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Long Walk to Freedom: Waarom Nelson Mandela so merkwaardig was

Long Walk to Freedom: Waarom Nelson Mandela so merkwaardig was

Na 27 jaar gevangenisstraf, het Nelson Mandela op 11 Februarie 1990 vrygeloop. Alhoewel hy agter tralies was, het Mandela 'n simbool geword van verdraagsaamheid en demokrasie, 'n wêreldwye inspirasie. Sy lewe is een van die merkwaardigste van die 20ste eeu.

Jong Mandela

Rolihlahla Mandela is op 18 Julie 1918 in Mvezo gebore. Soos gewoonlik was hy deur sy laerskoolonderwyser 'n 'Christelike' naam gegee - sy het hom Nelson genoem.

Nadat Mandela vir die eerste keer uit die universiteit geskors is omdat hy aan 'n protesoptog deelgeneem het, voltooi hy sy BA in 1943. Hy begin vir 'n regsgraad studeer, maar verlaat die universiteit sonder om te studeer.

'N Foto van Nelson Mandela in 1938.

Weerstaan ​​apartheid

In 1944 sluit hy aan by die African National Congress, 'n historiese swart politieke organisasie. Hy het gehelp om die African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) te stig en het die ANC aangemoedig om 'n program van massa -aksie te begin in reaksie op die oorwinning van die National Party en die implementering van apartheid (rasseskeiding).

Mandela was een van 156 mense wat in 1956 gearresteer en tereggestaan ​​is weens verraad. Die verraadverhoor duur tot Maart 1961.

Op 21 Maart 1960 is 69 ongewapende swart betogers deur die polisie in Sharpeville vermoor en die land is in 'n noodtoestand geplaas. Die ANC is verbied en Mandela is aangehou.

'N Skildery van die Sharpeville -bloedbad van Maart 1960.

Dae voor die verraadverhoor beëindig het, begin Mandela beplan vir meer direkte optrede, insluitend 'n nasionale staking wat op 29, 30 en 31 Maart 1961 geskeduleer is. Hy het ook gehelp om 'n paramilitêre organisasie, Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear of the Nation), te stig om guerrilla uit te voer oorlogvoering teen die regering.

In Januarie 1962 het Mandela Suid -Afrika in die geheim verlaat. Hy het deur Afrika en Europa gereis om steun te kry vir gewapende stryd teen apartheid. By sy terugkeer is hy gearresteer omdat hy die land sonder 'n permit verlaat het en tot vyf jaar gevangenisstraf gevonnis het. In Oktober 1963 word hy weer verhoor, hierdie keer vir sabotasie.

"Dit is 'n ideaal waarvoor ek bereid is om te sterf"

Op 20 April 1964 het hy sy beroemde "Speech from the Dock" gemaak:

'Ek het teen wit oorheersing geveg en teen swart oorheersing. Ek het die ideaal gekoester van 'n demokratiese en vrye samelewing waarin alle mense in harmonie en met gelyke geleenthede saamleef. Dit is 'n ideaal waarvoor ek hoop om te lewe en dit te bereik. Maar as dit nodig is, is dit 'n ideaal waarvoor ek bereid is om te sterf. ”

Op 11 Junie is Mandela en sewe ander skuldig bevind en tot lewenslange gevangenisstraf gevonnis. Hulle is na die Robbeneiland -gevangenis gestuur waar Mandela 18 van sy uiteindelike 27 jaar gevangenisstraf sou deurbring.

'N Teken wat apartheid in Suid -Afrika afdwing. Dit noem 'n openbare ruimte as 'vir gebruik deur wit persone'

Hier het Mandela in 'n klein sel geslaap sonder bed of loodgieterswerk. Hy mag elke ses maande een brief skryf en een keer per jaar 'n besoeker ontvang. Hy het die begrafnisse van sy ma en sy oudste seun gemis.

In September 1990 word F. W. de Klerk, 'n progressiewe stem in die Nasionale Party, president van Suid -Afrika. De Klerk het van meet af aan 'n einde gemaak aan rassisme in Suid -Afrika. Hy het die verbod op die ANC opgehef en in Februarie 1990 beveel om Nelson Mandela vry te laat.

Uiteindelik vry

Nelson Mandela stem in die verkiesing van 1994. Krediet: Paul Weinberg / Commons.

Na sy vrylating het Mandela deelgeneem aan gesprekke om apartheid te beëindig. Hy word in 1991 ANC -president.

Mandela en de Klerk het in 1993 gesamentlik die Nobelprys vir Vrede ontvang.

In Mei 1994 word Nelson Mandela die eerste demokraties verkose president van Suid -Afrika, wat na een termyn uittree.

Mandela het 'n simbool van verdraagsaamheid en demokrasie geword. 'N Wêreldwye inspirasie.

Nelson Mandela is op 5 Desember 2013 in sy huis in Johannesburg oorlede.


Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom - resensie

Justin Chadwick se ordentlike, respekvolle en eerbiedige weergawe van Nelson Mandela se lewe word kragtig deur William Nicholson opgestel, en op intelligente wyse deur Idris Elba en Naomie Harris blyk dit op 'n merkwaardige slag op byna op dieselfde historiese oomblik as Mandela se dood, 'n gebeurtenis vir wat die westerse media lankal die skietskrif van hul eie reaksie voorberei het. Die herdenkingsgeleentheid sou natuurlik so kalm en opbouend wees as 'n Olimpiese seremonie, net die oomblik wat in filmterme die openingstoneel sou oplewer, en waarna die hoofdrama dan in terugflits sou afspeel. In werklikheid was die gebeurtenis natuurlik verontrustend chaoties en selfs effens surrealisties, met pers en media onseker hoe om die halfleë stadion, die gebuldery van die huidige president, die dom selfie, die betekenislose gebaretaal te dek. Dit is miskien 'n verligting om terug te keer na die aanvaarde genade van die biopie.

Om die waarheid te sê, vermy Nicholson se draaiboek - gebaseer op Mandela se outobiografie van 1995 met dieselfde naam - dat die tradisionele cliche van die ou karakter terugkyk. Dit gee 'n duidelike, sterk narratiewe lyn wat toon hoe die stoere jong verhooradvokaat en amateurbokser by die ANC aansluit om apartheid en polisiewreedheid te beveg, radikaliseer deur die Sharpeville -slagting van 1960, 'n gewapende stryd hartstogtelik lei en dan in sy gevangenis sy angs en woede verander. in 'n Zen -bemeestering van ballingskap. Hy ontwapen sy wagte met 'n politikus se vermoë om hul kinders se name en verjaarsdae te onthou. Net soos 'n rustiger weergawe van Tolstoy se vader Sergius, voed sy terugtog uit die wêreld geleidelik sy aansien, en sodra hy vry is, kan hy 'n merkwaardige nuwe metamorfose in die Suid -Afrikaanse president en inspirerende wêreldleier bring.

Idris Elba dra soveel as moontlik uit die akteur van die raaisel van Mandela se lang ervaring in die gevangenis: dit is 'n vertoning van sensitiwiteit en krag: sy nabootsing van die loopende, praatende Mandela word skerp waargeneem, hoewel dit nie net nabootsing is nie, en Naomie Harris is baie goed soos Winnie, wat (meestal) buite die gevangenis nie die luukse gehad het om heilig onaktief te wees nie en moes doen wat sy beskou het as die vuil werk om gewelddadig te word met die ANC se vyande en ook met die verraaiers in haar eie span. Dit is 'n film wat goed bestuur word, alhoewel die gebeure bloot in Suid-Afrikaanse terme gesien word: dit blyk byvoorbeeld uit die feit dat Amerikaanse intelligensiemagte die Suid-Afrikaanse regering van die 60's gehelp het om Mandela in 1962 in hegtenis te neem. 'n entjie verder in die raaisel van presies wat Nelson oor sy vrou se aktiwiteite gedink het terwyl hy in die gevangenis was en presies watter spanning met sy gevangenes veroorsaak is deur uiteindelik aan die einde van die tagtigerjare te besluit om met die regering te onderhandel.

En dit mis waarskynlik die teerste, mees romantiese deel van sy verhaal: sy derde huwelik met Graça Machel - hoewel dit gebaseer is op 'n boek wat hierdie gebeurtenis voorafgaan. Miskien kan 'n aparte film gemaak word oor net hierdie liefdesverhaal.

Een van die flinkste oomblikke van die film kom heel aan die begin: die ambisieuse en slim jong prokureur neem 'n saak aan om 'n swart diensmeisie te verdedig wat daarvan beskuldig word dat sy haar wit minnares se klere gesteel het. Met bestudeerde vrymoedigheid neem Mandela een van die omstrede onderklere aan, stel voor dat dit die beskuldigde se regmatige eiendom is en vra die vrou om dit in die getuiebank te ondersoek. Natuurlik waag hy dat hierdie hoogmoedige rassistiese vrou dit nie sal duld om 'n intieme ondervraging van 'n swart man te kry oor sake wat sy uit die hof storm nie en die vervolgingsaak val in duie. Hierdie wonderlike oomblik toon die rassespanning en rasseveragting onderliggend aan die teoretiese billikheid van die regshof: dit is 'n interessante kontrapunt vir Mandela se eie verset in die beskuldigdebank, terwyl hy in 1962 'n skuldigbevinding opgelê word.

Idris Elba en Naomie Harris in Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom. Foto: Sportsphoto Ltd/Allstar

Maar as hy eers in die tronk is, is dit die verhaal van Winnie wat harder en meer omstrede raak. Sy moet die las dra van die politiek en die nare sake van aktivisme. Is sy nie Nelson se eie Umkhonto we Sizwe nie, die spies van die nasie, sy eie gewapende vleuel - die Armaliet na Nelson se beloofde stembus? Die film wys dat sy self tyd in die tronk gehad het, sonder om ooit die aura op te bou wat om haar man vergader het. Dit is 'n kragtige uitvoering van Naomie Harris, en die film skiet nie af van die grimmige 'halssnoer' nie: maar die film is, net soos die openbare mening self, baie onseker oor Winnie, en kan nie die ongemaklike alternatiewe behoeftes verdoem om goedpraat.

Anders as Lean's Lawrence of Attenborough's Gandhi, is die onderwerp van Justin Chadwick die hedendaagse koerantopskrifte en die huidige TV-begrafnisdekking. As dit 'n bietjie statig is, is dit begryplik: sy lewensverhaal is regtig buitengewoon. Die fliek bring hulde - te goeder trou.


Vroeë lewe

Nelson Mandela is in 1918 in 'n klein dorpie in Suid -Afrika gebore. Sy pa het as raadgewer vir die dorp gedien, maar nadat hy hierdie pos verloor het, verhuis die gesin na Mvezo, 'n ander klein gebied in Suid -Afrika.

Hy is Christen grootgemaak en het skoolgegaan, die eerste lid van sy gesin wat dit gedoen het. Alhoewel sy geboortenaam Rolihlahla was, het hy op skool 'n tradisioneel westerse naam gekry en het hy daarom Nelson geword.

Wat was Nelson Mandela se laaste woorde?

Toe hy net 12 jaar oud was, is sy pa oorlede en daarna is hy deur 'n leier van die Thembu -mense opgeneem. Hy verhuis en woon in 'n baie weelderiger omgewing as wat hy voorheen gedoen het.

Hy begin belangstel in die geskiedenis van Suid -Afrika, en tydens 'n tradisionele seremonie hoor hy 'n hoofgesprek oor die impak wat wit mense op die land gehad het.

In 1939 begin hy sy universiteitsloopbaan aan die Universiteit van Fort Hare. Hier het hy 'n studente -verteenwoordiger geword.

Daar was egter onrus van ander studente, weens die vermeende gebrek aan mag van die studenteverteenwoordigers, en in 'n protes teen die amptenare van die universiteit bedank hy sy pos. Dit het gelei tot sy skorsing uit die instelling.

Sy aanneempa was woedend en het 'n huwelik vir Mandela gereël. Nadat hy hierdie nuus gehoor het, hardloop Mandela weg, besluit om na Johannesburg te gaan en uiteindelik regte aan die Universiteit van die Witwatersrand te studeer.


Verwante verhale

Neem byvoorbeeld Nelson Mandela en hoe hy in die Verenigde State en Groot -Brittanje waargeneem is. As ons terugkyk in die geskiedenis, sien 'n mens 'n evolusie van sentimente oor die voormalige Suid -Afrikaanse leier onder die elite klas akademici, politici en joernaliste in die Weste.

In 1987 was Margaret Thatcher seker Mandela was die leier van 'n terroriste -organisasie genaamd die African National Congress (ANC). Later het die voormalige Britse premier gedink Mandela se vrylating uit die gevangenis is belangrik vir enige vordering in Suid -Afrika.

Thatcher was nie die enigste met 'n groot reputasie wat gedink het Mandela was 'n moeilikheidmaker nie en het van plan verander. Haar bondgenoot en die Amerikaanse president, Ronald Reagan, was ook 'n entoesiasme oor Mandela.

Ons kan hierdie leiers toegejuig oor hul volwassenheid uit onkunde. Maar die feit dat Mandela en die Swart meerderheid in Suid -Afrika, ten spyte van wat hulle dekades lank samehangend aangevoer het, as antagonisties teenoor vrede en orde beskou moes word, spreek van 'n Westerse obsessie met 'n ideologiese duimreël.

Vrede en orde word beskou as hoër waardes as geregtigheid en reg. Is dit omdat die geregtigheid ongemaklike omstandighede vereis vir wit mense in Suid -Afrika wat mense met middele was? Diegene wat verkies dat rus en vrede vir die vrye mark funksioneer?

Toe hulle besluit dat hulle Mandela liefhet, het die Weste probeer om sy vriende en vyande vir hom te kies. Hulle was miskien onbekend en ongemaklik met die Mandela wat in sy outobiografie van 2008 geskryf het, Lang stap na vryheid:

Ek lees die verslag van Blas Roca, die hoofsekretaris van die Community Party van Kuba, oor hul jare as 'n onwettige organisasie tydens die Batista -bewind. In Kommando, deur Deneys Reitz, het ek gelees van die onkonvensionele guerrilla-taktiek van die Boere-generaals tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog. Ek lees werke van en oor Che Guevara, Mao Tse-tung, Fidel Castro. ”

Of die Mandela wat Havana, Kuba besoek het en gesê het:

Ons bewonder die opofferings van die Kubaanse volk om hul onafhanklikheid en soewereiniteit te handhaaf in die lig van 'n bose, imperialisties-georkestreerde veldtog. Ook ons ​​wil ons eie lot beheer. ”

Tot sy dood kon Westerlinge nie heeltemal begryp waarom Mandela lof uitgespreek het oor Fidel Castro nie. Hoe en waarom het Mandela 'n vyand van die Weste 'n gemaklike bondgenoot gevind?

Hulle vind moontlik hul antwoord hier in wat Mandela tydens 'n openbare geleentheid in Havana vir Castro gesê het:

Wie het ons mense opgelei, wat ons hulpbronne gegee het, wat soveel van ons soldate, ons dokters, gehelp het? ”

Dit was die Kubane en ook Muammar Gaddafi, nog 'n gunsteling vyand van die Weste. Gaddafi het jare lank geheimsinnig gewapende ANC -weerstand teen die apartheidsregering befonds.

Dit was nie net dat Mandela Gaddafi en Castro dankbaar was nie, maar hy het ook gedink dat dit 'n voorbeeld is van hoe om te reageer op onophoudelike imperialisme uit die Weste. 'N Ander punt in hierdie verband is dat Mandela homself ook as 'n sosialis beskou het, of ten minste 'n man ten gunste van 'n kollektivistiese meganisme vir mag en materiële verhoudings.

Maar hy het hom nie toegelaat om in 'n selfopgelegde ideologiese gevangenis vasgevang te word nie. Soos Jake Bright aangevoer het, sou Mandela die oop markpad omhels wat tot [groei] merkwaardig gelei het, gegewe die African National Congress (ANC) en sy eie marxisties-kommunistiese neigings. ”

Dit is amper asof Mandela oop was vir 'n verskeidenheid wat die lewensgehalte sou bevorder. Ons moet nie vergeet dat Mandela teenoor die gevoelens van die meeste in die land die rol van wit minderhede in die bou van die nuwe Suid-Afrika verwelkom het nie.

Die Mandela wat ons aan die einde het, gegewe die vooroordele waarmee elke kant hom aanspraak maak, is die beste beskryf deur homself tydens 'n besoek aan die VSA in 1990.

Toe hy gevra is waarom hy hom opwarm soos Yasser Arafat, Castro en Gaddafi, het Mandela geantwoord: 'Een van die foute wat sommige politieke ontleders maak, is om te dink dat hul vyande ons vyande moet wees. ”

Dit was 'n man wat niemand se vyande sou erf of hom tot 'n verouderde heterodoksie beperk nie.


Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom -resensie: 'n respekvolle blik op die lewe van 'n wêreldwye ikoon

Die lewe van Nelson Mandela, wat op 5 Desember geëindig het, omvat soveel hoofstukke, persoonlik en polities, dat dit amper onmoontlik is om almal in een rolprent te dek. Maar die respekvolle, soms ontroerende poging om dit te doen in Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom, slaag byna, veral danksy 'n heldhaftige optrede deur Idris Elba as die man wat meer as enige ander die stelsel van rasseskeiding in Suid -Afrika beëindig het en het in die proses miljarde oor die hele wêreld 'n ikoon van hoop geword.

Die heiligmaking van Mandela in die jare na sy vrylating in 1990 na 26 jaar gevangenisstraf maak dit des te belangriker om te fokus op sy vroeëre jare, wat William Nicholson se draaiboek (gebaseer op Mandela se eie openhartige herinneringe) goed doen. Diegene wat hom as die gryshaar van vergifnis en versoening beskou, sal dalk verbaas wees oor die geweld wat hy in die vroeë 1960's teësinnig veroordeel het en wat tot sy lewenslange gevangenisstraf in 1964 gelei het.

Elba speel Mandela oor 'n tydperk van 30 jaar, en hoewel hy nie fisies soos die man lyk nie, verleen hy die nodige waardigheid, en kry hy die kenmerkende stem van Mandela. Naomie Harris se optrede is net so indrukwekkend as Mandela se onbestendige vrou, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, wat op dieselfde manier as hy gely het, maar 'n meer gebroke persoon daaruit voortgekom het.


Mandela se stryd vir vryheid in Suid -Afrika

Hand aan hand met sy vrou Winnie het Nelson Mandela die eerste keer in 27 jaar as vry man die Víctor Verster -gevangenis verlaat. By die hek het 'n polisiekort die emosionele skare wat op die Suid -Afrikaanse leier gewag het, teruggehou en wat die pad van die motor wat Mandela na die Grand Parade van Kaapstad gebring het, versper, die plein wat met die honderde duisende ander ondersteuners vasgeloop het wag op hom op die dag van sy bevryding.

Dit was die begin van die einde van die rasseskeiding wat al 300 jaar geduur het, en dit eindig op die dag in 1994 toe Nelson Mandela die presidentskap van Suid -Afrika aanvaar het, slegs vier jaar nadat hy uit die tronk vrygelaat is.

Demokratiese verkiesings, vry van rassediskriminasie, het gelei tot die oorwinning van die African National Congress (ANC), en Mandela het geskiedenis gemaak deur die eerste swart president van die land te word, nadat hy drie dekades in die tronk was vir sy stryd teen apartheid. Nadat hy 'n politieke legende geword het gedurende sy jare agter tralies, Mandela het die land se oorgang gelei, het die proses van demokratisering verdedig en gewerk om dit "vinnig en sonder onderbrekings" te realiseer.

Madiba, die naam waarmee die politieke leier in Suid -Afrika bekend was, het geglo in “die eenheid van individue"En"die nasionale versoening”, Maar bowenal verwerp hy die wrok, wat hy kon voel vir diegene wat hom in die tronk sit terwyl sy vrou 'n simbool van die verset word en hul twee kinders grootmaak, twee kinders wat reeds hul eie gesinne gehad het teen die tyd dat Mandela is uit die tronk vrygelaat.

Die Suid -Afrikaanse aktivis en voormalige president Nelson Mandela - SUID -AFRIKA - DIE GOEIE NUUS

Die Afrikaanse leier het sy politieke loopbaan in Johannesburg begin, die stad wat hom die geleentheid gebied het om 'n prokureur te word en by die ANC aan te sluit. Dit is hoe ver hy gekom het van Umtata, die stad in die ooste van die land waar hy in 1918 gebore is. Lank voordat hy sy kruistog teen apartheid geloods het, was hy 'n bokser.

Mandela se betrokkenheid by die ANC het daartoe gelei dat hy in 1956 van verraad beskuldig is. die ergste het eers in 1964 gekom toe hy 'n lewenslange vonnis opgelê is in 'n tweede verhoor, wat ook die geleentheid was vir een van sy mees onvergeetlike toesprake.

Ek het teen wit oorheersing geveg, en ek het teen swart oorheersing geveg. Ek het die ideaal van 'n demokratiese en vrye samelewing gekoester waarin alle mense in harmonie en met gelyke geleenthede saamleef.

Terwyl Mandela sy lang jare gevangenisstraf verduur het, het sy gewildheid in die res van die wêreld toegeneem en hy het 'n sigbare simbool geword van die stryd teen rasseskeiding. Dit was so waar dat hy, nadat hy bevry is, in 1993 die Nobelprys vir vrede ontvang, saam met F. W. de Klerk, die man wat hom as president van Suid -Afrika voorafgegaan het en wat die definitiewe einde van apartheid onderhandel het.

Mandela was 'n leier wat saam met die vyand gewerk het om rasseskeiding te beëindig, en wie het onvermoeid geveg teen diskriminasie en vir die vryheid het hy uiteindelik vir sy land behaal. Madiba se onsterflike nalatenskap sal altyd 'n simbool van vrede wees, nie net in Afrika nie, maar oor die hele wêreld.


Lang stap na vryheid

As u wil weet wat Mandela gedoen het, is dit die boek wat u moet lees. Ja, dit is dik, maar dit is propvol inligting en interessante verhale.

Mandela sou 'n wrok kon dra teen baie mense wat hom onderdruk het, maar hy het nie. Hy bly by sy onwankelbare geloof in vryheid. Groot man.

Kon nie opmerkings laai nie. Probeer asseblief weer later.

Uit ander lande

In die natuur maak diere mekaar dood vir vleis, net omdat hulle honger is! Hulle vermoor baie selde uit die toorn! Maar man, die gruweldade wat die mens op sy eie soort aandoen, is net ongelooflik! Die feit dat die mens reg van verkeerd weet, bewys sy intellektuele meerderwaardigheid as die ander wesens, maar die feit dat hy soveel verkeerd kan doen, bewys sy morele minderwaardigheid teenoor enige wese wat dit nie kan nie! Van al die diere is die mens die enigste een wat wreed is. Hy is die enigste een wat pyn veroorsaak vir die plesier om dit te doen. onnodig om te sê dat Mandela, 'n swart man in sy eie land, op sy eie kontinent 27 jaar lank deur 'n wit man in die tronk gesit is! Die boek wys egter hoe slim en hoogs intellektueel Mandela was, hy het selfs as jongman graag gelees, bestudeer en dinge uitgevind, en dit is waarskynlik wat hom 'besig' gehou het in die klein sel op Robbeneiland.

Haile Selassie het in sy toespraak op 6 Oktober 1963 by die VN gesê: '' Dat totdat die filosofie wat een ras meerderwaardig en 'n ander minderwaardig is, uiteindelik en permanent gediskrediteer en laat vaar word: Dat totdat daar nie meer eersteklas- en tweedeklasburgers is nie enige nasie wat tot die kleur van 'n man se vel nie belangriker is as die kleur van sy oë nie Totdat die basiese menseregte vir almal ewe gewaarborg is sonder inagneming van ras Dat tot op daardie dag die droom van blywende vrede en wêreldburgerskap en die heerskappy van internasionale moraliteit sal bly, maar 'n kortstondige illusie wat nagestreef moet word, maar nooit bereik sal word nie, en totdat die onbeskaamde en ongelukkige regimes wat ons broers in Angola, in Mosambiek en in Suid -Afrika in submenslike slawerny hou, omvergewerp en vernietig is tot grootpratery en vooroordeel en kwaadwillige en onmenslike eiebelang is vervang deur begrip en verdraagsaamheid en welwillendheid Totdat alle Afrikane staan ​​en praat as vrye wesens, gelyk in die oog s van alle mense, soos hulle in die oë van die hemel is Tot op daardie dag sal die Afrika -kontinent nie vrede ken nie. Ons Afrikaners sal veg, indien nodig, en ons weet dat ons sal wen, aangesien ons vol vertroue is in die oorwinning van goed oor kwaad. "

Lank LEEF Madiba, LANG LEEF!

'N Klassieke op sigself, hierdie boek is 'n boeiende weergawe van een van die belangrikste figure in die 20ste eeu. Hierdie biografie is interessant vir sy interpretasie van die onlangse geskiedenis van Suid -Afrika, maar ook vir die diep persoonlike insigte in die persoon van Mandela.

Ek lees hierdie boek as 'n akademiese bron, maar dit is op so 'n leesbare manier vol persoonlike anekdotes geskryf dat dit vir die meeste lesers toeganklik is. Die biografie dek die hele lewe van Mandela, van die kinderjare tot die presidensiële inhuldiging van die ontwikkeling van sy karakter en ideologie. Dit gee 'n duidelike primêre uiteensetting van watter rol Mandela gespeel het in die vorming van die Jeugvleuel van die ANC, sy beleid gedurende die 50's en 60's, en sy ervaring in die gevangenis.

Die enigste nadeel wat ek sou gee, is dat dit 'n lang boek is wat in sekere hoofstukke effens herhalend kan voel, maar as u 'n gesaghebbende weergawe van Apartheid en Mandela wil hê, is dit beslis die tyd werd.

Dit is 'n uitstekende klank -CD. Gelees deur Danny Glover vertel dit die verhaal van Nelson Mandella in Nelson se eie woorde.

Van die baie nederige begin af vertel dit van Nelsons se reis vanaf sy stam begin tot by die toetreding tot die ANC, sy redenasie waarom hy 'n klein leër begin het met sabotasie, sy arrestasie, verhoor en vrylating.

Wat by u opkom, is die ongelooflike geloof van Nelsons in wat hy doen. Hy het 'n visie in gedagte vir hoe hy wil hê Suid -Afrika moet wees, en niks kan dit afskud nie. Al sy optrede word uitgevoer in ooreenstemming met hierdie oortuiging. Soos hy het, is hy bereid om sy lewe vir sy mense te gee, en hy is bereid om ook vir sy mense te sterf.

Die verhaal bevat baie fassinerende persone, soos sy gesinslewe en huwelike, en 'n baie diep insig in hoe 'n man 'n leier word.

Die enigste nadeel van hierdie klank -CD vir my was die soms eentonige en oninspirerende stem van Danny Glover (Lethal Weapon), 'n vreemde keuse vir so 'n inspirerende spreker, en die probleme wat ek veral gehad het met die uitspraak van Suid -Afrikaanse name en plekke.

Wat meer kan 'n mens sê oor Nelson Mandela? Sy outobiografie spreek vanself. Mandela, gebore uit relatiewe voorreg in Suid -Afrika, beskryf sy kinderjare, die dood van sy vader toe Mandela 9 jaar oud was en sy opvoeding deur hoofman Dalindyonba. Alhoewel Mandela nie 'n vryheidsvegter gebore is nie ('n term wat hy in die boek gebruik om homself te beskryf), was sy karakter sterk op 'n baie vroeë ouderdom. As voorgraadse student aan Fort Hare bedank hy sy pos in die Studenteraad uit protes teen 'n skynbare verkiesing. Hierdie besluit kos hom egter sy plek aan 'n gesogte universiteit, 'n gebeurtenis wat sy lewe vir altyd verander het.

Toe hy na Johannesburg verhuis, het hy stadig verpolitiseer. Mandela: 'Ek het geen openbaring gehad nie, geen enkele openbaring, geen oomblik van waarheid nie, maar 'n bestendige opeenhoping van duisend sleutels, duisend waardighede het by my 'n woede, 'n opstandigheid, 'n begeerte om te beveg teen die stelsel wat my mense in die gevangenis gehad het, veroorsaak. En wat 'n vegter was hy nie! Die res, soos hulle sê, is geskiedenis. Mandela, wat vinnig deur die geledere gestyg het, het die de facto -leier van die ANC geword en die stigter van die gewapende vleuel van die party, die Umkhonto we Sizwe - die Spies van die Nasie. Daarna is hy tot lewenslange tronkstraf gevonnis weens sameswering om sabotasie te pleeg en is 27 jaar later in 1991 vrygelaat.

Na my mening is dit in die gevangenis dat mnr Mandela se karakter as 'n uitstaande leier onthul word. Terwyl hy in die gevangenis was, het hy hongerstakings en alle ander denkbare maatreëls gelei om sy toestand of dié van sy medegevangenes te protesteer. Dit lyk asof hy weet wanneer hy moet kompromitteer en wanneer hy moet toeslaan. Nog voordat sy medegevangenes geweet het, was hy gereed om met die regering te onderhandel. Soos dit blyk, was Mandela aan die regte kant van die geskiedenis.

Ek was getref deur hoe demokraties en georganiseerd die ANC was. Daar was duidelike gesagslyne en alle besluite is deur konsensus geneem. Alhoewel die ANC -uitvoerende gesag deur die Apartheidsregering byna uitgesterf het, was hulle steeds gedissiplineerd en toegewyd aan die saak. Nog iets wat my opgeval het, was hoe die Apartheidsregering, ondanks sy aaklige behandeling van Swartes en almal wat Apartheid bevraagteken het, steeds 'n skaduwee van respek vir behoorlike proses en die oppergesag van die reg handhaaf. Toe Mandela byvoorbeeld van hoogverraad aangekla word, is hy deur 'n onafhanklike regter in die openbaar verhoor. Daar was geen geheime verhore of kangaroehowe wat ingestel is om die ANC te verhoor nie. Selfs toe Mandela weens sabotasie verhoor is, het die regter geweier om die doodsvonnis op te lê. In plaas daarvan het hy lewenslange vonnisse opgelê vir Mandela, Sisulu en die ander. Hierdie ervaring kontrasteer skerp met die Ken Saro Wiwa -verhoor in my geboorteland Nigerië waarin die heer Ken Saro Wiwa in die geheim verhoor en tereggestel is voordat sy appèl aangehoor kon word.

Mandela se lewe het nie net oor Swartes gegaan nie. Nelson Mandela sê baie duidelik in sy outobiografie die name van die mans en vroue wat net so passievol was om Apartheid te beëindig as hy: Blankes soos Bram Fischer en Joe Slovo Indiane soos Mac Maharaj en Ahmed Katharanda. Sommige soos Bram Fischer en Ruth Fish sou sterf as hulle die ideaal handhaaf.

Mandela is werklik een van die groot leiers van ons tyd. Hy is 'n volmaakte politikus, strateeg, geleerde, idealis, pragmatikus, fasiliteerder, onderhandelaar en vryheidsvegter. Hierdie boek is 'n uitstekende weergawe van hierdie unieke man. Dit verdien my 5 sterre.


MEER OOR HIERDIE

Neem byvoorbeeld Nelson Mandela en hoe hy in die Verenigde State en Groot -Brittanje waargeneem is. As ons terugkyk in die geskiedenis, sien 'n mens 'n evolusie van sentimente oor die voormalige Suid -Afrikaanse leier onder die elite klas akademici, politici en joernaliste in die Weste.

In 1987 was Margaret Thatcher seker Mandela was die leier van 'n terroriste -organisasie genaamd die African National Congress (ANC). Later het die voormalige Britse premier gedink Mandela se vrylating uit die gevangenis is belangrik vir enige vordering in Suid -Afrika.

Thatcher was nie die enigste met 'n groot reputasie wat gedink het Mandela was 'n moeilikheidmaker nie en het van plan verander. Haar bondgenoot en die Amerikaanse president, Ronald Reagan, was ook 'n geruime tyd entoesiasties oor Mandela.

Ons kan hierdie leiers toegejuig oor hul volwassenheid uit onkunde. Maar die feit dat Mandela en die Swart meerderheid in Suid -Afrika, ten spyte van wat hulle dekades lank koherent aangevoer het, as antagonisties teenoor vrede en orde beskou moes word, spreek van 'n Westerse obsessie met 'n ideologiese duimreël.

Vrede en orde word beskou as hoër waardes as geregtigheid en reg. Was dit omdat geregtigheid ongemaklike omstandighede vereis vir die wit mense van Suid -Afrika wat mense met middele was? Diegene wat verkies dat rus en vrede vir die vrye mark funksioneer?

Toe hulle besluit dat hulle Mandela liefhet, het die Weste probeer om sy vriende en vyande vir hom te kies. Hulle was miskien onbekend en ongemaklik met die Mandela wat in sy outobiografie van 2008 geskryf het, Lang stap na vryheid:

'Ek lees die verslag van Blas Roca, die hoofsekretaris van die Community Party van Kuba, oor hul jare as 'n onwettige organisasie tydens die Batista -bewind. In Kommando, deur Deneys Reitz, het ek gelees van die onkonvensionele guerrilla-taktiek van die Boere-generaals tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog. Ek lees werke van en oor Che Guevara, Mao Tse-tung, Fidel Castro. ”

Of die Mandela wat Havana, Kuba besoek het en gesê het:

'Ons bewonder die opofferings van die Kubaanse volk om hul onafhanklikheid en soewereiniteit te handhaaf in die lig van 'n bose, imperialisties georkestreerde veldtog. Ook ons ​​wil ons eie lot beheer. ”

Tot sy dood kon Westerlinge nie heeltemal begryp waarom Mandela lof uitgespreek het oor Fidel Castro nie. Hoe en waarom het Mandela 'n vyand van die Weste 'n gemaklike bondgenoot gevind?

Hulle vind moontlik hul antwoord hier in wat Mandela tydens 'n openbare geleentheid in Havana vir Castro gesê het:

'Wie het ons mense opgelei, wie het ons hulpbronne gegee, wie het soveel van ons soldate, ons dokters, gehelp?'

Dit was die Kubane - en ook Muammar Gaddafi, nog 'n gunsteling vyand van die Weste. Gaddafi het jare lank geheimsinnig die gewapende ANC -weerstand teen die apartheidsregering befonds.

Dit was nie net dat Mandela Gaddafi en Castro dankbaar was nie, maar hy het ook gedink dat dit 'n voorbeeld is van hoe om te reageer op onophoudelike imperialisme uit die Weste. 'N Ander punt in hierdie verband is dat Mandela homself ook as 'n sosialis beskou het, of ten minste 'n man ten gunste van 'n kollektivistiese meganisme vir mag en materiële verhoudings.

Maar hy het hom nie toegelaat om in 'n selfopgelegde ideologiese gevangenis vasgevang te word nie. Soos Jake Bright aangevoer het, "Mandela sou die oop-mark-pad omhels wat tot [groei] gelei het ... merkwaardig gegewe die African National Congress (ANC) en sy eie marxisties-kommunistiese neigings."

Dit is amper asof Mandela oop was vir 'n verskeidenheid wat die lewensgehalte sou bevorder. Ons moet nie vergeet dat Mandela teenoor die gevoelens van die meeste in die land die rol van wit minderhede in die bou van die nuwe Suid-Afrika verwelkom het nie.

Die Mandela wat ons aan die einde het, gegewe die vooroordele waarmee elke kant hom aanspraak maak, is die beste beskryf deur homself tydens 'n besoek aan die VSA in 1990.

Toe hy gevra is waarom hy hom opwarm soos Yasser Arafat, Castro en Gaddafi, antwoord Mandela: 'Een van die foute wat sommige politieke ontleders maak, is om te dink dat hul vyande ons vyande moet wees.'

This was a man who was not going to inherit anyone’s enemies or restrict himself to some outdated heterodoxy.


Why was Nelson Mandela important?

On July 18,1918 Nelson Mandela was born, in Nvezo South Africa. He grew up in a village of Nvezo in Umtata the part of South Africa cape Drovince. Nelson Mandela live a normal life, he grew up with his 6 sister’s and 3 brother’s in there mother kraal in the village of Qunu where he spent much of his time playing outside with the other boys, his mother Noqaphi Nosekeni and his father Gadia Henry were illiterate.

He really didn’t get to have a relationship with his father because his dad died when he was nine year old do to lung disease. When he was nine Nelson Mandela mother send him to a local Methodist school later on he went to Heaidtown Comprenensive high school. Nobody in influenced him the ones that influenced was Mathatma Gandhi, Walter Sisuiu and Albert lutuli . Nelson has 3 wives, his First wife was Evelyn Mase since 1944-1958 who has 3 kids with gim 2 boys and 1 girl , his second wife was Winnie Mandela since 1958-1996 who had 2 girls with Nelson Mandela, his last wife was Graca Michel he was 80 years old when he was with her they didn’t have kids together but all his wife played a big role in his life.

Nelson Mandela changed life in South Africa, the freedom and equality he gave them is still going amongst the people hearts. He wrote 30 books but his most popular book he wrote was the long walk to freedom it was published in 1994 by little brown, he wrote the book when he was just 27 years old. Mandela received more than 260 awards over 40 years the most important award he received was the nobel peace prize in 1993 . He got all his strengths firm prison, Nelson personal mistake was starting a revolution that involved violence. He didn’t like what he was doing so he was determined to change the life of South Africa for the better and to achieved his other goals. He did end up accomplishing many things in his long life , he became the president of South Africa after many year of hard work and patience he never gave up by making South Africa better again .

Mandela was the world most admired and the most revered public figure he. Was a man of peace, he showed the world what forgiveness look like in South Africa, he was a positive, thinking white what he could do. South Africa said the only bad decisions that Nelson Mandela did when he retire for being president and he trusted that his successors were if quality. Unfortunately it all comes to a end Nelson Mandela passed away December 5,2013 do to a respiratory tract infection, people still keep his memory alive by celebrating his legacy with #mandeladay, a social media campaign to inspire positive change in our would. Luminaries like Barack Obama, Bill Clinton’s and Bill Gates are posting their memories of Mandela, along with their own take in the message that each person has the ability and responsibility to make positive difference in the world. Interesting fact about Nelson Mandela birth name Rolihlahla means to pull a beach of a tree and troublemaker.


Long Walk to Freedom: Why Nelson Mandela Was so Remarkable - History

Presidential address by Mandela to the ANC [African National Congress (Transvaal) Conference, September 21, 1953. Elected ANC (Transvaal) President earlier in the year, Mandela had been served with a banning order subsequently, and the address was therefore read on his behalf.

Since 1912, and year after year thereafter, in their homes and local areas, in provincial and national gatherings, on trains and buses, in the factories and on the farms, in cities, villages, shantytowns, schools, and prisons, the African people have discussed the shameful misdeeds of those who rule the country. Year after year, they have raised their voices in condemnation of the grinding poverty of the people, the low wages, the acute shortage of land, the inhuman exploitation and the whole policy of white domination. But instead of more freedom, repression began to grow in volume and intensity, and it seemed that all their sacrifices would end up in smoke and dust. Today the entire country knows that their labors were not in vain, for a new spirit and new ideas have gripped our people. Today the people speak the language of action: there is a mighty awakening among the men and women of our country and the year 1952 stands out as the year of this upsurge of national consciousness.

In June 1952, the African National Congress and the South African Indian Congress, bearing in mind their responsibility as the representatives of the downtrodden and oppressed people of South Africa, took the plunge and launched the Campaign for the Defiance of the Unjust Laws. Starting off in Port Elizabeth in the early hours of June 26 and with only thirty-three defiers in action, and then in Johannesburg in the afternoon of the same day with ten defiers, it spread throughout the country like wildfire. Factory and office workers, doctors, lawyers, teachers, students, and the clergy: Africans, Coloreds, Indians, and Europeans, old and young, all rallied to the national call and defied the pass laws and the curfew and the railway apartheid regulations. By the end of the year, more than 8,500 people of all races had defied. The Campaign called for immediate and heavy sacrifices. Workers lost their jobs chiefs and teachers were expelled from the service doctors, lawyers and businessmen gave up their practices and businesses and elected to go to jail. Defiance was a step of great political significance. It released strong social forces which affected thousands of our countrymen. It was an effective way of getting the masses to function politically, a powerful method of voicing our indignation against the reactionary policies of the government. It was one of the best ways of exerting pressure on the government and extremely dangerous to the stability and security of the state. It inspired and aroused our people from a conquered and servile community of yes-men to a militant and uncompromising band of comrades-in-arms. The entire country was transformed into battle zones where the forces of liberation were locked in mortal conflict against those of reaction and evil. Our flag flew in every battlefield, and thousands of our countrymen rallied around it. We held the initiative, and the forces of freedom were advancing on all fronts. It was against this background and at the height of this Campaign that we held our last annual provincial Conference, in Pretoria, from October 10 to 12 last year. In a way, that Conference was a welcome reception for those who had returned from the battlefields and a farewell to those who were still going to action. The spirit of defiance and action dominated the entire conference.

Today we meet under totally different conditions. By the end of July last year, the Campaign had reached a stage where it had to be suppressed by the government or it would impose its own policies on the country.

The government launched its reactionary offensive and struck at us. Between July last year and August this year forty-seven leading members from both Congresses in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, and Kimberley were arrested, tried and convicted for launching the Defiance Campaign and given suspended sentences ranging from three months to two years on condition that they did not again participate in the Defiance of the Unjust Laws. In November last year, a proclamation was passed which prohibited meetings of more than ten Africans and made it an offense for any person to call upon an African to defy. Contravention of this proclamation carried a penalty of three years or a fine of three hundred pounds. In March this year the Government passed the so-called Public Safety Act which empowered it to declare a state of emergency and to create conditions which would permit of the most ruthless and pitiless methods of suppressing our movement. Almost simultaneously, the Criminal Laws Amendment Act was passed, which provided heavy penalties for those convicted of Defiance offenses. This act also made provision for the whipping of defiers including women. It was under this act that Mr. Arthur Matlala, who was the local leader of the Central Branch during the Defiance Campaign, was convicted and sentenced to twelve months with hard labor plus eight strokes by the Magistrate of Villa Nora.(1) The Government also made extensive use of the Suppression of Communism Act. You will remember that in May last year the Government ordered Moses Kotane, Yusuf Dadoo, J. B. Marks, David Bopape, and Johnson Ngwevela to resign from the Congresses and many other organizations, and they were also prohibited from attending political gatherings. In consequence of these bans, Moses Kotane, J. B. Marks, and David Bopape did not attend our last provincial Conference. In December last year, the Secretary General, Mr. W. M. Sisulu, and 1 were banned from attending gatherings and confined to Johannesburg for six months. Early this year, the President General, Chief Lutuli, whilst in the midst of a national tour which he was executing with remarkable energy and devotion, was prohibited for a period of twelve months from attending public gatherings and from visiting Durban, Johannesburg, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, and many other centers. A few days before the President General was banned, the President of the SAIC, Dr. G. M. Naicker, had been served with a similar notice. Many other active workers both from the African and Indian Congresses and from trade union organizations were also banned.

The Congresses realized that these measures created a new situation which did not prevail when the Campaign was launched in June 1952. The tide of defiance was bound to recede, and we were forced to pause and to take stock of the new situation. We had to analyze the dangers that faced us, formulate plans to overcome them and evolve new plans of political struggle. A political movement must keep in touch with reality and the prevailing conditions. Long speeches, the shaking of fists, the banging of tables, and strongly worded resolutions out of touch with the objective conditions do not bring about mass action and can do a great deal of harm to the organization and the struggle we serve. We understood that the masses had to be prepared and made ready for new forms of political struggle. We had to recuperate our strength and muster our forces for another and more powerful offensive against the enemy. To have gone ahead blindly as if nothing had happened would have been suicidal and stupid. The conditions under which we meet today are, therefore, vastly different. The Defiance Campaign together with its thrills and adventures has receded. The old methods of bringing about mass action through public mass meetings, press statements, and leaflets calling upon the people to go to action have become extremely dangerous and difficult to use effectively. The authorities will not easily permit a meeting called under the auspices of the ANC, few newspapers will publish statements openly criticizing the policies of the Government, and there is hardly a single printing press which will agree to print leaflets calling upon workers to embark on industrial action for fear of prosecution under the Suppression of Communism Act and similar measures. These developments require the evolution of new forms of political struggle which will make it reasonable for us to strive for action on a higher level than the Defiance Campaign. The Government, alarmed at the indomitable upsurge of national consciousness, is doing everything in its power to crush our movement by removing the genuine representatives of the people from the organizations. According to a statement made by Swart (2) in Parliament on September 18, 1953, there are thirty-three trade union officials and eighty-nine other people who have been served with notices in terms of the Suppression of Communism Act. This does not include that formidable array of freedom fighters who have been named and blacklisted under the Suppression of Communism Act and those who have been banned under the Riotous Assemblies Act.

Meanwhile the living conditions of the people, already extremely difficult, are steadily worsening and becoming unbearable. The purchasing power of the people is progressively declining, and the cost of living is rocketing. Bread is now dearer than it was two months ago. The cost of milk, meat, and vegetables is beyond the pockets of the average family, and many of our people cannot afford them. The people are too poor to have enough food to feed their families and children. They cannot afford sufficient clothing, housing, and medical care. They are denied the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, old age, and where allowances are paid they are far too low for survival. Because of lack of proper medical amenities our people are ravaged by such dreaded disease as tuberculosis, venereal disease, leprosy, pellagra, and infantile mortality is very high. The recent state budget made provisions for the increase of the cost-of-living allowances for Europeans and not a word was said about the poorest and most hard-hit section of the population-the African people. The insane policies of the Government which have brought about an explosive situation in the country have definitely scared away foreign capital from South Africa, and the financial crisis through which the country is now passing is forcing many industrial and business concerns to close down, to retrench their staffs, and unemployment is growing every day. The farm laborers are in a particularly dire plight. You will perhaps recall the investigations and exposures of the semislave conditions on the Bethal farms made in 1948 by the Reverend Michael Scott and a Voog correspondent, by the Trommel last year, and by the Vooruit in April this year. You will recall how human beings, wearing only sacks with holes for their heads and arms, never given enough food to eat, slept on cement floors on cold nights with only their sacks to cover their shivering bodies. You will remember how they were woken up as early as 4 a.m. and taken to work on the fields with the indunas sjamboking (3) those who tried to straighten their backs, who felt weak and dropped down because of hunger and sheer exhaustion. You will also recall the story of human beings toiling pathetically from the early hours of the morning till sunset, fed only on mealie meal (4) served on filthy sacks spread on the ground and eating with their dirty hands. People falling ill and never once being given medical attention. You will also recall the revolting story of a farmer who was convicted for tying a laborer by his feet from a tree and having him flogged to death, pouring boiling water into his mouth whenever he cried for water. These things which have long vanished from many parts of the world still flourish in South Africa to clay.(5) None will deny that they constitute a serious challenge to Congress and we are duty bound to find an effective remedy for these obnoxious practices.

The Government has introduced in Parliament the Native Labor (Settlement of Disputes) Bill and the Bantu Education Bill. Speaking on the Labor Bill, the Minister of Labor, Ben Schoeman, openly stated that the aim of this wicked measure is to bleed African trade unions to death. Forbidding strikes and lockouts deprives Africans of the one weapon the workers have to improve their position. The aim of the measure is to destroy the present African trade unions which are controlled by the workers themselves and which fight for the improvement of their working conditions in return for a Central Native Labor Board controlled by the Government and which will be used to frustrate the legitimate aspirations of the African worker.

The Minister of Native Affairs, Verwoerd, (6) has also been brutally clear in explaining the objects of the Bantu Education Bill. According to him the aim of this law is to teach our children that Africans are inferior to Europeans. African education is to be taken out of the hands of people who taught equality between black and white. When this Bill becomes law, it will not be the parents but the Department of Native Affairs which will decide whether an African child should receive higher or other education. It might well be that the children of those who criticize the Government and who fight its policies will almost certainly be taught how to drill rocks in the mines and how to plough potatoes on the farms of Bethal. High education might well be the privilege of those children whose families have a tradition of collaboration with the ruling settlers.

The attitude of the Congress on these bills is very clear and unequivocal. Congress totally rejects both bills without reservation. The last provincial Conference strongly condemned the then proposed Labor Bill as a measure designed to rob the African workers of the universal right of free trade unionism and to undermine and destroy the existing African trade unions. Conference further called upon the African workers to boycott and defy the application of this sinister scheme which was calculated to further the exploitation of the African worker. To accept a measure of this nature even in a qualified manner would be a betrayal of the toiling masses. At a time when every genuine Congressite should fight unreservedly for the recognition of African trade unions and the realization of the principle that everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests, we declare our firm belief n the principles enunciated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that everyone has the right to education that education shall be directed to the full development of human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance, and friendship among the nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. That parents have the right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.

The cumulative effect of all these measures is to prop up and perpetuate the artificial and decaying policy of the supremacy of the white men. The attitude of the Government to us is that: "Let's beat them down with guns and batons and trample them under our feet. We must be ready to drown the whole country in blood if only there is the slightest change of preserving white supremacy."

But there is nothing inherently superior about the Herrenvolk idea of the supremacy of the whites. In China, India, Indonesia, and Korea, American, British, Dutch, and French imperialism, based on the concept of the supremacy of Europeans over Asians, has been completely and perfectly exploded. In Malaya and Indochina, British and French imperialisms are being shaken to their foundations by powerful and revolutionary national liberation movements. In Africa, there are approximately 190 million Africans as against four million Europeans. The entire continent is seething with discontent, and already there are powerful revolutionary eruptions in the Gold Coast (7), Nigeria, Tunisia, Kenya, the Rhodesias (8), and South Africa. The oppressed people and the oppressors are at loggerheads. The day of reckoning between the forces of freedom and those of reaction is not very far off. 1 have not the slightest doubt that when that day comes truth and justice will prevail.

The intensification of repression and the extensive use of the bans are designed to immobilize every active worker and to check the national liberation movement. But gone forever are the days when harsh and wicked laws provided the oppressors with years of peace and quiet. The racial policies of the Government have pricked the conscience of all men of good will and have aroused their deepest indignation. The feelings of the oppressed people have never been more bitter. If the ruling circles seek to maintain their position by such inhuman methods then a clash between the forces of freedom and those of reaction is certain. The grave plight of the peoples compels them to resist to the death the stinking policies of the gangsters that rule our country.

But in spite of all the difficulties outlined above, we have won important victories. The general political level of the people has been considerably raised and they are now more conscious of their strength. Action has become the language of the day. The ties between the working people and the Congress have been greatly strengthened. This is a development of the highest importance because in a country such as ours a political organization that does not receive the support of the workers is in fact paralyzed on the very ground on which it has chosen to wage battle. Leaders of trade union organizations are at the same time important officials of the provincial and local branches of the ANC. In the past we talked of the African, Indian, and Colored struggles. Though certain individuals raised the question of a united front of all the oppressed groups, the various non-European organizations stood miles apart from one another, and the efforts of those for coordination and unity were like a voice crying in the wilderness and it seemed that the day would never dawn when the oppressed people would stand and fight together, shoulder to shoulder against a common enemy. Today we talk of the struggle of the oppressed people which, though it is waged through their respective autonomous organizations, is gravitating towards one central command.

Our immediate task is to consolidate these victories, to preserve our organizations and to muster our forces for the resumption of the offensive. To achieve this important task the National Executive of the ANC in consultation with the National Action Committee of the ANC and the SAIC [South African Indian Congress] formulated a plan of action popularly known as the "M" Plan, and the highest importance is attached to it by the National Executive. Instructions were given to all provinces to implement the "M" Plan without delay.(9)

The underlying principle of this plan is the understanding that it is no longer possible to wage our struggle mainly by the old methods of public meetings and printed circulars. The aim is:

  1. to consolidate the Congress machinery
  2. to enable the transmission of important decisions taken on a national level to every member of the organization without calling public meetings, issuing press statements, and printing circulars
  3. to build up in the local branches themselves local Congresses which will effectively represent the strength and will of the people
  4. to extend and strengthen the ties between Congress and the people and to consolidate Congress leadership.

This plan is being implemented in many branches, not only in the Transvaal, but also in other provinces, and is producing excellent results. The Regional Conferences held in Sophiatown, Germiston, Kliptown, and Benoni on June 28, August 23 and 30, and on September 6, 1953, which were attended by large crowds, are a striking demonstration of the effectiveness of this plan, and the National Executive must be complimented for it. 1 appeal to all members of the Congress to redouble their efforts and play their part truly and well in its implementation. The hard and strenuous task of recruiting members and strengthening our organization through a house-to-house campaign in every locality must be done by you all. From now on the activity of Congressites must not be confined to speeches and resolutions. Their activities must find expression in wide-scale work among the masses, work which will enable them to make the greatest possible contact with the working people. You must protect and defend your trade unions. If you are not allowed to have your meetings publicly, then you must hold them over your machines in the factories, on the trains and buses as you travel home. You must have them in your villages and shantytowns. You must make every home, every shack, and every mud structure where our people live a branch of the trade union movement and you must never surrender.

You must defend the right of African parents to decide the kind of education that shall be given to their children. Teach the children that Africans are not one iota inferior to Europeans. Establish your own community schools where the right kind of education will be given to our children. If it becomes dangerous or impossible to have these alternative schools, then again you must make every home, every shack, or rickety structure a center of learning for our children. Never surrender to the inhuman and barbaric theories of Verwoerd.

The decision to defy the unjust laws enabled Congress to develop considerably wider contacts between itself and the masses, and the urge to join Congress grew day by day. But due to the fact that the local branches did not exercise proper control and supervision, the admission of the new members was not carried out satisfactorily. No careful examination was made of their past history and political characteristics. As a result of this, there were many shady characters ranging from political clowns, place-seekers, splitters, saboteurs, agents, provocateurs to informers and even policemen, who infiltrated into the ranks of Congress. One need only refer to the Johannesburg trial of Dr. Moroka and nineteen others, where a member of Congress who actually worked at the National Headquarters turned out to be a detective-sergeant on special duty. Remember the case of Leballo of Brakpan who wormed himself into that Branch by producing faked naming letters from the Liquidator De Villiers Louw, who had instructions to spy on us. There are many other similar instances that emerged during the Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, and Kimberley trials. Whilst some of these men were discovered, there are many who have not been found out. In Congress there are still many shady characters, political clowns, place-seekers, saboteurs, provocateurs, informers, and policemen who masquerade as progressive but who are in fact the bitterest enemies of our organization. Outside appearances are highly deceptive, and we cannot classify these men by looking at their faces or by listening to their sweet tongues or their vehement speeches demanding immediate action. The friends of the people are distinguishable by the ready and disciplined manner in which they rally behind their organizations and their readiness to sacrifice when the preservation of the organization has become a matter of life and death. Similarly, enemies and shady characters are detected by the extent to which they consistently attempt to wreck the organization by creating fratricidal strife, disseminating confusion, and undermining and even opposing important plans of action to vitalize the organization. These shady characters, by means of flattery, bribes, and corruption, win the support of the weak-willed and politically backward individuals, detach them from Congress, and use them in their own interests. The presence of such elements in Congress constitutes a serious threat to the struggle, for the capacity for political action of an organization which is ravaged by such disruptive and splitting elements is considerably undermined. Here in South Africa, as in many parts of the world, a revolution is maturing it is the profound desire, the determination and the urge of the overwhelming majority of the country to destroy forever the shackles of oppression that condemn them to servitude and slavery. To overthrow oppression has been sanctioned by humanity and is the highest aspiration of every free man. If elements in our organization seek to impede the realization of this lofty purpose then these people have placed themselves outside the organization and must be put out of action before they do more harm. To do otherwise would be a crime and a serious neglect of duty. We must rid ourselves of such elements and give our organization the striking power of a real militant mass organization.

Kotane, Marks, Bopape, Tloome, and 1 have been banned from attending gatherings and we cannot join and counsel with you on the serious problems that are facing our country. We have been banned because we champion the freedom of the oppressed people of our country and because we have consistently fought against the policy of racial discrimination in favor of a policy which accords fundamental human rights to ail, irrespective of race, color, sex, or language. We are exiled from our own people for we have uncompromisingly resisted the efforts of imperialist America and her satellites to drag the world into the rule of violence and brutal force, into the rule of the napalm, hydrogen, and the cobalt bombs where millions of people will be wiped out to satisfy the criminal and greedy appetites of the imperial powers. We have been gagged because we have emphatically and openly condemned the criminal attacks by the imperialists against the people of Malaya, Vietnam, Indonesia, Tunisia, and Tanganyika (10) and called upon our people to identify themselves unreservedly with the cause of world peace and to fight against the war policies of America and her satellites. We are being shadowed, hounded, and trailed because we fearlessly voiced our horror and indignation at the slaughter of the people of Korea and Kenya, because we expressed our solidarity with the cause of the Kenyan people. The massacre of the Kenyan people by Britain has aroused worldwide indignation and protest. Children are being burnt alive, women are raped, tortured, whipped, and boiling water poured on their breasts to force confessions from them that Jomo Kenyatta had administered the Mau Mau oath to them. Men are being castrated and shot dead. In the Kikuyu country there are some villages in which the population has been completely wiped out. We are prisoners in our own country because we dared to raise our voices against these horrible atrocities and because we expressed our solidarity with the cause of the Kenyan people.

You can see that "there is no easy walk to freedom anywhere, and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadow of death again and again before we reach the mountain tops of our desires." Dangers and difficulties have not deterred us in the past, they will not frighten us now. But we must be prepared for them like men who mean business, who do not waste energy in vain talk and idle action. The way of preparation for action lies in our rooting out all impurity and indiscipline from our organization and making it the bright arid shining instrument that will cleave its way to Africa's freedom."11


Why Was Nelson Mandela Imprisoned for 27 Years?

Nelson Mandela was imprisoned for 27 years because he was found guilty of conspiracy and sabotage to overthrow the government of South Africa, together with other eight National African Congress Leaders. He was sentenced to life imprisonment in 1964 and was released in 1990 after serving for 27 years in jail.

Nelson Mandela and the other eight prisoners passed through a hard life in prison whereby they were given little food and were completely isolated. They were also assigned a strenuous job of pounding rocks into gravel. However, while in prison, Nelson Mandela and his colleagues formed a group that helped them to remain focused and survive in such harsh and oppressive circumstances.

In 1982, Nelson Mandela was transferred to the maximum security Pollsmoor prison, which is where it is believed that he contracted tuberculosis. After being diagnosed with tuberculosis, Mandela suffered respiratory ailments until his death. At the age of 71, and after serving a jail term of 27 years, he was released in 1990 with the help of an international movement.

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